Chapter 38: Chapter 31 The Outbreak of War

June 29th, 1913 9:05 AM

Sarajevo, Serbia 

[3rd Person POV]

"How many black hands have been spotted and captured?" Said one agent on the field that's working for the society.

"28 so far, but they're keeping silent on the whereabouts of their compatriots. We are running out of time." Said one, as she grimaced in disgust at the revolutionaries as they tied them up, and to be sent to one of their headquarters for interrogation and to be executed once all information is extracted.

"There's no time, they're already halfway to the town hall of Sarajevo. Thank god, there's no incidents yet except the people are rioting even more. Which poses a problem. Let's go "

They all nodded, as they grabbed the captured men and hauled them to the unmarked trucks.

As they closed the back of the trucks, they immediately headed to the convoy route to guard the Duchess and protect her from all threats.

"Let's move, let's hope to God we aren't too late."

Meanwhile with the convoy.

9:09 AM

[Sophie's POV]

God I can't imagine being here and witnessing all of this in front of my eyes…

I thought as I see people looking at us, some were angry, some were downright cursing at us, and some were just neutral.

Overall, only a few people I see are content in seeing us heading for the town hall within Sarajevo along with a heavy escort.

"Sophie, don't worry. No one will harm us. I've taken extra precautions to ensure that."

My husband Franz, guaranteed me as I only nodded and held his hand ever so tightly with mine as I prayed to God.

As we were just 5 minutes to the town hall, I saw a suspicious man watching us intently.

He had a black suitcase along with an all black outfit and a tophat for show which unnerved me somewhat as he slowly approached the lane we were driving on.

Then my heart dropped as I saw the man throw the suitcase in front of our convoy and immediately explode on the first car in front of us, our driver dodged the car that exploded as we were lucky to have avoided being shot moments later by the same man, who was later on tackled by multiple men.

I was holding Franz's hand tightly as I knew Franz was not happy, but furious at the lack of security as I saw behind us, the soldiers or escorts who were with us, disembarked to secure the burnt car along with the man.

Multiple gunshots rang out, barely missing us by an itch as I held my scream down as Franz yelled to our driver to drive faster and head for the town hall, which our driver did along with some of our escorts who tried to intercept the man at the bridge who fired at us.

Meanwhile, the agents of the society who are on the ground

"Catch that fucker!" Hollow shouted, along with several of the agents who was chasing down a black hand member on the alleyway who was supposed to be a sniper but was caught off guard and was forced to run when he spotted us.

"Hollow, one of the assassin's just jumped on the bridge and attempted to kill himself."

One of my subordinates reported, as I was still chasing the sniper. 

This fucker is a damn good runner, but he's gonna die sooner or later.

And just as I said it, one of the agents nicknamed 'Boogeyman' intercepted the sniper and shot the man in the leg, immobilizing him.

"Ahhh you fuckers! Who the fuck are you!" Said the sniper as he failed his mission and was attempting to suicide by distracting his killers.

Boogeyman immediately grabbed the snipers mouth and grabbed his hands to stop the sniper from grabbing the cyanide and threw the vial on the floor.

"Good catch Boogeyman."

"No problem, but it is a close call, we have already killed over 10 black hand members." Boogeyman commented

Hollow sighed as he grabbed his ropes that were in his waist to tie the sniper up since we were gonna interrogate the man and kill him once we extracted all of the information.

"How is the convoy?" Referring to the one where the Archduke was and Duchess.

"They have made it to the town hall, so we are temporarily on overwatch at the moment."

"I see. But I feel something will go wrong, I just hope that everything will go the way the Führerin hopes to achieve."

"I agree, she did specify to patrol every nook and cranny and capture or kill any suspicious individuals that are near the convoy itself." Boogeyman pointed out.

"Yes, but still, if we fail this…and the Archduke Franz is assassinated, the prediction of the Führerin will come true. Which terrifies me to be honest. "Hollow said, as he was in position to overlook the angry archduke berating the mayor of Sarajevo.

Boogeyman also looked at the town hall with a neutral expression as he got another report that another black hand member is dead which disappointed him a bit as some of them would commit suicide to avoid capture or be interrogated, which was smart but unsportsmanlike is what the Boogeyman felt.

Back to Sophie's POV with Archduke Franz inside the Town Hall of Sarajevo.

"Is this how you treat how your people treat us?" Franz was furious, from what I've seen since we almost got assassinated and killed.

"I assure you Archduke that this is all a misunderstanding." The town mayor let out a fake smile as he tried to quell the anger of the Archduke as he cursed the assassin's for failing in his mind.

"You're welcome to inspect the troops in a more secure fashion if you so wish." He offered, to which Franz rejected as Franz even knew that we are not safe within the enemy territory.

People hated us here, and my husband Franz, especially hated the Serbs more but feared them since if they annexed Serbia, they would incur the wraiths of all Slavic nations which will ruin his reputation of Austria and his generation of family down the line.

Still, he cursed even when exiting the town hall and having a look around and noticed that most of the security detail was mostly German and not Austrian which disappointed him greatly as most of the Austrian detail he had was more focused on dinner menus or having a nice chat which I also noticed.

I thanked God that the society provided us a decent amount of protection and only hoped it was enough to deter the assassin's from killing my husband and I.

"Sophie, it isn't safe here…I feel the civilian officials are in league with these assassin's." Franz murmured, to which I agreed since from they're looks, they weren't too happy to still see us kicking as we had to cancel our inspection to leave Sarajevo at once.

"And I fear that the prime minister is a part of all this."

"You mean Karlvon Stürgkh? Why would he want us dead?" I said, shocked at the claim my husband was making.

"Political clout I presume. And pushing the triple alliance to go to war since my son, once realizing our deaths, would be too hotheaded and angry to send an ultimatum to the Serbian people."

"Surely not our son Franz…"

"I'm afraid that's what they're aiming for dear. But I don't have enough evidence nor proof that Karl is targeting us nor the Black hand have ulterior motives. All that matters now is that we survive for our children and for the future of our empire."

He looked at me with such determination as I held his hand tightly and boarded the car as I said "I would help you along the way Franz."

He just smiled at me before focusing something else around the car as we departed.

They have just finished their speech after all and somewhat hastily exited the town hall along with it's escorts.

Just as they were heading back to the route they came from, the driver Leopold didn't receive the order that the route would stay the same and Leopold assumed that the route would change according to a backup plan they have worked on for several weeks leading up to this visit.

Just as escort we're heading to the first alleyway, the driver Leopold immediately turned right to avoid large crowds and Franz shouted to leopold.

"You're fucking going the wrong way,  the route hasn't changed Leopold."

Only. Knowing this now, Leopold slammed on the brakes and attempted to reverse.

But then I spotted a person who was determined to kill us as I screamed to Franz, who was also grabbing his pistol in a hurry but failed as the assassin successfully empty his pistol before attempting to escape the scene.

3 minutes earlier

[Principal POV]

Those fucking idiots, they had only one job and they all failed. We also lost most of our contacts and it seems they all got either captured or killed. Are we gonna fail?"

Princip thought as I grabbed the cyanide vial, contemplating suicide as I  knew my life was finished and his mission a failure.

Just as I was about to drink it, I  saw the convoy yet again. And miraculously, the car the Archduke and duchess was sitting on turned right and was heading this way, which made me freeze for a moment before hastily grabbing my pistol and waiting for the right moment.

And just as the driver was about to reverse, I didn't even hesitated and emptied my pistol onto the direction on where the Archduke was, and once I emptied my pistol, I dropped it and attempted to ran before the populace grabbed me and tried to beat me to death, all the while I shouted it was all for Serbian independence and it's people.

As I was being escorted to the police headquarters, all I saw in the car was both the Archduke and duchess trying to live as in my mind, I didn't want Duchess Sophie to die, and only my target was the Archduke. 

I succeeded, but at what cost…

Princip thought as the police beat him even more into unconsciousness.

[3rd Person POV]

Moments before the assassination.

The driver, Leopold saw the assassin about to shoot, and attempted to drive or turn or anything he could do but it was no use as the assassin unloaded all of the magazine into their direction as Leopold saw the Archduke and Duchess slumped down as the escorts immediately rushed in to help while Franz was looking at Sophie who was hanging on as she slumped forward. 

"SOPHIE! SOPHIE! LIVE! LIVE FOR OUR CHILDREN!" With one last ounce of his strength, he screamed to the men and women to save her while the men's escorts desperately tried to open the suit to inspect the gunshot wounds.

But Leopold was quick to snap out as he was still in shock as he shouted

"QUICKLY GRAB A NEW CAR AND PUT THEM THERE! I'LL DRIVE THEM THERE MYSELF!"

Immediately, the people took action as one car was offered by someone whom Leopold took as the Archduke Franz and Duchess Sophie was quickly moved to the other car as Leopold immediately slammed on the accelerator and shouted

"OUT OF MY WAY! I'M TAKING THEM TO THE NEAREST HOSPITAL!"

Meanwhile, the rest of the escorts along with some of the people were in shock as they couldn't believe this was happening as this chaos descended into Sarajevo as multiple arrests were made and accusations were thrown out on who's a conspirator and who's the one supporting the black hand.

"Send the news to the royal family quickly…they need to know." The Escort commander said with a grim expression as he knew he failed his duty and felt guilty since he didn't take his job seriously enough.

"Yes, commander…" one of the escort said somberly as he also stared at the splattered blood on the ground with a grimace as he steeled his will and ordered his men to lock down the place and immediately send a secured telegram letter to the son and his nephew or emperor Franz Joseph and hope for the best.

This is gonna be a long long day…

The escort thought as he resumed his duty, thinking of his family and his future.

On the way to the hospital

[3rd Person POV]

"Doctor, how are they?" Leopold kept asking every minute or so as he was dodging traffic and people. Leopold was glad that they found a doctor just off duty who happened to be on the scene and wanted to help, hence the doctor and another escort is keeping Franz and Sophie alive but the doctor knew Franz is dying fast since he took 4 bullets while Sophie took 3 bullets which he answered while putting pressure on the wound of the Archduke.

"WHAT DO YOU THINK?" the doctor shouted, obviously panicking a bit as Franz was getting delirious as he was staring at Sophie and murmuring "sophie….live…liver for our children…."

"Shit we are losing the Archduke. Your majesty, don't die on us! We're almost there!"

"Forget about me….save Sophie….ahh I wish I could've had that coffee in the morning…."

With his last words, Archduke Franz slowly closed his eyes and died.

The doctor and the escort both looked at each other and closed their eyes for a moment as Leopold finally arrived at their destination and looked back, only to see their solemn looks and knew the Archduke had died and just slumped down on his seat.

But the doctor snapped out of his moment of failure to rescue the Duchess who was still alive but barely breathing. Leopold, the doctor, and the escort immediately went into action to carry the duchess into the hospital to immediately operate on her and pray to God that she survives.

Austria, Vienna 

Bad Ischl in Upper Austria.

Just 43 minutes after the death and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

[Franz Joseph's POV]

"Your majesty, a urgent telegram has been sent to you by Prime Minister Karl."

"What is it this time? Can't they see I'm on vacation?" I muttered, utterly tired of such drama and hassle since I wanted to loosen up and relax.

"I'm afraid it's worse than that, your majesty." My attendant said, clearly distraught and saddened as I was wondering what was so urgent and needed my attention.

I grabbed the lettered telegram opened it, read it and just sat there for a few minutes, stunned as I reread it and reread it again before looking back at my attendant and said

"Is this real?"

"Yes, your majesty. Just now, you're nephew, Archduke Franz along with Duchess Sophie was a target for assassination and are on their way to the hospital." 

I sighed and rubbed my temples before ordering my attendant to make a few letters 

"Write a letter to Prime Minister Karl and to Leopold (a different Leopold) to handle things. My vacation cannot be interrupted until I am finished."

"Ye-yes, your majesty. I'll relay your orders to the Prime Minister and to the Foreign Minister Leopold."

"Good. Now move along, I don't want my fishing to be bothered."

His attendant nodded quickly as he sent the orders down to the royal palace along with informing the Prime Minister and other members of the parliament. 

I don't know if his majesty does care about them or not, but based on his reaction, he is indeed shaken but not enough to cancel his vacation… I'll never understand his majesty. The attendant thought, as he was relaying the orders he was given.

Vienna, Austro-Hungary Empire

53 Minutes after the assassination.

[3rd Person POV]

"Is it confirmed?" Prime Minister Karl asked again to the people who were with the Archduke.

"Ye-yes prime minister. Archduke is confirmed to have passed away just about 50 minutes ago. But the Duchess is still alive and still in danger."

We must move her to Vienna at all costs. It's all risky since the Archduke…

"What's the status of the Duchess that's in Sarajevo Hospital right now?" He inquired

"Right now, she's still in danger as she was shot in the stomach, left lung, her shoulder, and in the intestine. It's a miracle that she survived. But the doctors say they don't know when she'll wake up as she is in a coma…"

The one reported grimaced at the fact that the Duchess was still in danger and tried to think of other things.

"What about her security?"

"She's been monitored and guarded 24/7 now and will be transferred to Vienna in a few days as the doctors explicitly said that she can't handle the journey, which is understandable…but with the situation at hand prime minister…we would need the Serbian Government to answer and investigate the assassination."

"And most likely, the Serbian Government would likely deny such claims and also claim that it is not of their concern. Predictable." Karl had a sickening expression as he imagined the Serbians laughing at this since they have successfully killed the Archduke in their own soil to show that they will defy us with every chance they got.

"Should we demand an investigation then prime minister?"

"No. Our first priority is to secure the Duchess and bring her home. After that, we will demand the Serbian Government to open an investigation. If they still deny it, we might issue an ultimatum." 

I've been delaying this for the past 3 months already. And the German empire already has a clause now to join our war…but I kept delaying it since we don't have any real reason. Now it is here, I'll make use of it.

"Inform me when she's ready to move at a moment's notice."

"Yes, prime minister." With that, his spy left to head to Sarajevo and keep a watch over the Duchess for any signs of improvements.

"This has changed some of my plans drastically…I thought they would successfully kill both of them. Typical assassin's." He murmured as he returned to his duty, scowling at times at remembering how he'll need to suck up to the duchess once she wakes up.

3 days after the assassination

Duchess Sophie's Condition slightly improved and was immediately escorted back to Austro-Hungary.

The events transpired and went on like a domino effect.

July-August Crisis that led to the great war.

July 3rd, 1913 11:21 AM.

Austro-Hungary Demanded an Open Investigation on the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

July 3rd, 1913 1:37 PM 

The Serbian government replied with:  

"Nothing had been done so far and the matter did not concern the Serbian Government." 

July 4th, 1913 12:04 PM

An angry exchange followed between the Austrian Chargé d'Affaires at Belgrade and Grujić, leading to a shouting and boxing match between both sides. Relations drastically deteriorated. Both sides are hostile to each other.

July 7th, 1913 9:19 AM

 Count István Tisza, Austria-Hungary issued a formal letter to the government of Serbia on 4th of July 1913. Demands listed below:

"The letter reminded Serbia of its commitment to respect the Great Powers' decision regarding Bosnia-Herzegovina, and to maintain good neighborly relations with Austria-Hungary. The letter contained specific demands that Serbia should accept, including the suppression of the publication of propaganda advocating the violent destruction of Austria-Hungary, the removal of the people behind this propaganda from the Serbian Military, the dissolution of the Serbian nationalist organization Narodna Odbrana, the arrest of the people on Serbian soil who were involved in the assassination plot and the prevention of the clandestine shipment of arms and explosives from Serbia to Austria-Hungary."

"It also demanded that Austro-Hungarian officials should take part in the Serbian inquiry into the assassination plot."

July 7th, 1913 2:41 PM

The Serbian Government rejected the letter stating that 

"It is preposterous and too demanding and that the Austro-Hungarian Empire shall not meddle with Serbian Affairs."

July 8th-12th, 1913

Members of the "War Party", like Conrad von Hötzendorf, Chief of the Austro-Hungarian General Staff saw it as an opportunity to destroy Serbia's ability to interfere in Bosnia. Moreover, the Archduke, who had been a voice for peace in the previous years, had now been removed from the discussions. The assassination combined with existing instability in the Balkans sent deep shockwaves through the Austrian elite. Most are demanding war.

Additionally, the debate in Vienna further escalated these notions. Berchtold and Conrad debated an appropriate response to the events in Sarajevo; Conrad wanted to declare war on Serbia as soon as possible, stating: 

"If you have a poisonous adder at your heel, you stamp on its head, you don't wait for the bite."

He advocated immediate mobilization against Serbia, while Berchtold wanted to ensure public opinion be prepared first. On 8 of July, Berchtold suggested they demand Serbia disband anti-Austrian societies and relieve certain officials of their responsibilities, but Conrad continued to argue for the use of force. On 10th of July, Berchtold told Conrad that Emperor Franz Joseph would await the criminal inquiry results, that István Tisza, Prime Minister of Hungary, was opposed to war, and that Karl von Stürgkh, Prime Minister of Austria, hoped that the criminal inquiry would 

provide a proper basis for action.

Opinion in Vienna was divided; Berchtold now agreed with Conrad and supported war, as did Franz Joseph, although he insisted German support was a prerequisite, while Tisza was opposed, he correctly predicted war with Serbia would trigger one with Russia and hence a general European war. The pro-war party saw it as a reactionary means of re-invigorating the Habsburg monarchy, restoring it to the vigor and virility of an imagined past, and that Serbia must be dealt with before it became too powerful to defeat militarily.

Conrad continued to push for war but worried what attitude Germany would take; Berchtold replied that he planned to inquire of Germany what its position was. [citation needed] Berchtold used his memo of 12th of June 1913, proposing Serbia's destruction, as the basis for the document that would be used to solicit German support.

July 13th-16th, 1913

German Officials including the Emperor reassured Austria of its support since a reporter named Viktor Naumann, a German journalist and friend of German Foreign Secretary Gottlieb von Jagow, approached Berchtold's chief of cabinet, Alexander, Count of Hoyos. Naumann's advice was that it was time to annihilate Serbia and that Germany could be expected to stand by her ally. The next day, German Ambassador Heinrich von Tschirschky spoke to Emperor Franz Joseph and stated that it was his estimate that Wilhelm II would support resolute, well-thought-out action by Austria-Hungary with regard to Serbia.

On 14th of July, the Saxon Ambassador in Berlin wrote back to his king that the German Army wanted Austria to attack Serbia as quickly as possible because the time was right for a general war since Germany was more prepared for war than either Russia or France. On 15th of July, the Saxon military attaché in Berlin reported that the German General Staff 

"would be pleased if war were to come about now. Even the emperor agress with me."

Emperor Wilhelm II came to share the views of the German General Staff and declared on same day on the 15th of july that he was entirely for 

"settling accounts with Serbia".

 He ordered the German ambassador in Vienna, Count Heinrich von Tschirschky, to stop advising restraint, writing that 

"Tschirschky will be so good to drop this nonsense. We must finish with the Serbs, quickly. Now or never!". 

In response, Tschirschky told the Austro-Hungarian government the next day that 

"Germany would support the Monarchy through thick and thin, whatever action it decided to take against Serbia. The sooner Austria-Hungary struck, the better".

 On 16th of July 1913, Count Moltke, the Chief of the German General Staff, wrote that "Austria must beat the Serbs".

July 17th-19th, 1913

In order to ensure Germany's full support, the Chef de Cabinet of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministry Count Alexander von Hoyos visited Berlin on 17th of July.

 On 24 June, Austria-Hungary had prepared a letter for its ally outlining the challenges in the Balkans and how to address them, but Franz Ferdinand was assassinated before it could be delivered.

 According to the letter, Romania was no longer a reliable ally, especially since the Russo-Romanian summit meeting of 14 June in Constanța.

 Russia was working toward an alliance of Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro against Austria-Hungary, dismemberment of Austria-Hungary, and the movement of borders from east to west. To break up this effort, Germany and Austria-Hungary should first ally with Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire.

 To this letter was added a postscript on the Sarajevo Outrage and its impact. Finally, Emperor Franz Joseph added his own letter to Emperor Wilhelm II which closed with advocating the end of Serbia as a political power factor. 

Hoyos was dispatched to Germany to present these letters. The letters were presented to Wilhelm II on 19th of July.

Hoyos provided Austro-Hungarian Ambassador Count Ladislaus de Szögyény-Marich with two documents, one of which was a memo by Tisza, advising that Bulgaria should join the Triple Alliance, and another letter by Franz Joseph I of Austria stating that the only way of preventing the disintegration of the Dual Monarchy was "to eliminate Serbia" as a state.

 The letter by Franz Joseph was based closely upon Berchtold's 14 June memo calling for the destruction of Serbia. Franz Josef's letter explicitly stated that the decision for war against Serbia had been made before the assassination of the Archduke, and that the events of Sarajevo only confirmed the already pre-existing need for a war against Serbia.

After meeting with Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to Germany Szögyény on 18th of July, the German Emperor informed him that his state could "count on Germany's full support", even if "grave European complications" ensued, and that Austria-Hungary "ought to march at once" against Serbia. He added that "in any case, as things stood today, Russia was not at all ready for war, and would certainly think long before appealing to arms". 

Even if Russia were to act in defense of Serbia, Wilhelm promised that Germany would do everything in its power, including war, to support Austria-Hungary. Wilhelm added that he needed to consult with Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, who he was quite sure would have a similar view.

After his meeting, Szögyény reported to Vienna that Wilhelm "would regret it if we [Austria-Hungary] let this present chance, which was so favorable for us, go by without utilizing it". This so-called "blank cheque" of German support up to and including war was to be the main determining factor in Austrian policy in July 1913. And would later on change the course of the war.

The blank cheque was further mentioned and waved as a support for the Austrians at another meeting held on 5 July, this one at Potsdam palace, German Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, the Foreign Ministry's State Secretary Arthur Zimmermann, the Minister of War Erich von Falkenhayn, the head of the German Imperial Military Cabinet Moriz von Lyncker, the Adjutant general Hans von Plessen, Captain Hans Zenker of the Naval General Staff, and Admiral Eduard von Capelle of the Naval State Secretariat all endorsed Wilhelm's "blank cheque" as Germany's best policy. On 19th of July, Hoyos, Zimmerman, Bethmann Hollweg, and Austro-Hungarian Ambassador Szögyény met and Germany gave its "blank cheque" commitment to Austria-Hungary of firm support.

On the same day, On 19th of July, Bethmann Hollweg and Zimmermann further repeated the promise of Wilhelm's "blank cheque" at a conference with Szögyény. Although Bethmann Hollweg stated that the decision for war or peace was in Austria's hands, he strongly advised Austria to choose the former. That same day, British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey was warned by the German Ambassador in London, Prince Lichnowsky, of the dangerous situation in the Balkans. Grey felt that Anglo-German co-operation could resolve any Austro-Serbian dispute, and he "believed that a peaceful solution would be reached. Which didn't happen a few weeks later when the ultimatum was given and war was declared.

When asked if Germany was ready for a war against Russia and France, Falkenhayn replied with a "curt affirmative". Later on 20th of July, the Army's Quartermaster general Count Waldersee wrote to Gottlieb von Jagow, Foreign Minister:

 "I can move at a moment's notice. We in the General Staff are ready: there is nothing more for us to do at this juncture".

As Wilhelm himself stated in private 

"in order not to alarm world opinion", 

The Kaiser left on his annual North Sea cruise. Shortly after, Wilhelm's close friend Gustav Krupp von Bohlen wrote that the Emperor said that we would not waver in declaring war if Russia mobilized. In the same way, Berchtold suggested that Austrian leaders go on vacation "to prevent any disquiet" about what had been decided.

July 21st-26th, 1913

Austro-Hungary Considers an Ultimatum.

The Council of Joint Ministers debated Austria-Hungary's course of action. The most hawkish on the Council considered a surprise attack on Serbia. Count Tisza persuaded the Council that demands should be placed on Serbia before mobilization to provide a proper "juridical basis for a declaration of war". 

The slow act of issuing an ultimatum publicly was lost to the world as the world has lost some sympathies for them as three weeks have already passed since the assassination. 

The Council agreed on putting harsh demands on Serbia but could not reach consensus on how harsh. Except for Count Tisza, the Council intended to make such harsh demands that their rejection would be very probable. 

Tisza held out for demands that, while harsh, would not appear impossible to meet. Both views were sent to the Emperor on 22nd of July. The Emperor's opinion was that the gap in opinion could most likely be bridged. 

An initial set of demands was drafted during the Council meeting.Over the next few days, the demands were reinforced, possibly with the help of the German Foreign Office, to make sure there was a war, and made more iron-clad and difficult for Serbia to accept.

On the same day of 22nd of July, on his return to Vienna, Count Hoyos reported to Austro-Hungarian Crown Council that Austria had Germany's full support even if "measures against Serbia should bring about a big war". At the Crown Council, Berchtold strongly urged that a war against Serbia be begun as soon as possible.

At that meeting of the Crown Council, all involved were in full favor of war except Hungarian Prime Minister István Tisza. Tisza warned that any attack on Serbia "would, as far as can humanly be foreseen, lead to an intervention by Russia and hence a world war". 

The rest of the participants debated about whether Austria should just launch an unprovoked attack or issue an ultimatum to Serbia with demands so stringent that it was bound to be rejected. Austrian Prime Minister Stürgkh warned Tisza that if Austria did not launch a war, its "policy of hesitation and weakness" would cause Germany to abandon Austria-Hungary as an ally. 

All present, except Tisza, finally agreed that Austria-Hungary should present an ultimatum designed to be rejected. 

Starting 23rd of July, the German Ambassador to Austria-Hungary, Heinrich von Tschirschky, and Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Berchtold held almost daily meetings about how to coordinate the diplomatic action to justify a war against Serbia.

 On 24th of July, Tschirschky presented Berchtold with a message from Wilhelm who declared he

 "stated most emphatically that Berlin expected the Monarchy to act against Serbia, and that Germany would not understand it, if ... the present opportunity were allowed to go by ... without a blow struck".

 At the same meeting, Tschirschky told Berchtold, 

"if we [Austria-Hungary] compromised or bargained with Serbia, Germany would interpret this as a confession of weakness, which could not be without effect on our position in the Triple Alliance and on Germany's future policy".

On the same day of 24th July, Bethmann Hollweg told his aide and close friend Kurt Riezler that "action against Serbia can lead to a world war" and that such a "leap in the dark" was justified by the international situation.

Bethmann Hollweg explained to Riezler that Germany was

 "completely paralyzed" and that the "future belongs to Russia which is growing and growing, and is becoming an ever increasing nightmare to us".

Riezler went to write in his diary that Bethmann Hollweg painted a "devastating picture" with Russia building rail-roads in Poland allowing Russian forces to mobilize faster once the Great Military Programme was finished in 1917.

While admitting that an Austro-Serbian war would probably cause a world war "which would lead to an overthrow of the existing order", Bethmann Hollweg reasoned the "existing order was lifeless and void of ideas" and that such a war could only be welcomed as a blessing to Germany.

Such fears about Russia led Bethmann Hollweg to credit Anglo-Russian naval talks in May 1914 as the beginning of an "encirclement" policy against Germany that could only be broken through war.

On 8 July, Tisza informed another meeting of the Crown Council that any attack on Serbia was bound to lead to "intervention by Russia and consequently world war".[58] On the same day, Kurt Riezler's diary has his friend Bethmann Hollweg saying: "If the war comes from the East, so that we are marching to Austria-Hungary's aid instead of Austria-Hungary to ours, then we have a chance of winning it. If war does not come, if the Czar does not want it or France dismayed, counsels peace, then we still have a chance of maneuvering the Entente apart over this action."[62]

On 25th of July, Berchtold advised the Emperor that he would present Belgrade with an ultimatum containing demands that were designed to be rejected. This would ensure a war without the "odium of attacking Serbia without warning, put her in the wrong", and ensure that Britain and Romania would remain neutral. 

On the same day of 25th of July, Berchtold told Tschirschky he would present Serbia with an ultimatum containing "unacceptable demands" as the best way of causing war, but "chief care" would be taken about how to present these "unacceptable demands". 

In response, Wilhelm wrote angrily on the margins of Tschirschky's dispatch "They had time enough for that!"

On 26th of  July, Tschirschky reported to Jagow that he 

"again took the occasion to discuss with Berchtold what action was to be taken against Serbia, chiefly in order to assure the minister once again, emphatically that speedy action was called for".

On the same day, the German Foreign Office wanted to know if they should send a telegram congratulating King Peter of Serbia on his birthday.

Wilhelm replied that not doing so might attract attention. On 26th of July, Szögyény reported from Berlin that everyone in the German government wanted to see Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia at once, and were tired of Austrian indecision about whether to choose war or peace.

On 27th of the same day July, Berchtold showed Tschirschky the contents of his ultimatum containing "unacceptable demands", and promised to present it to the Serbs after the Franco-Russian summit between President Poincaré and Nicholas II was over.

Wilhelm wrote on the margins of Tschirschky's dispatch "What a pity!" that the ultimatum would be presented so late in July.

You are reading story The Future of a Thousand Years at novel35.com

By 28th of July, Tisza agreed to support war out of fear that a policy of peace would lead to Germany renouncing the Dual Alliance of 1879.

On that day, Tschirschky reported to Berlin that Austria-Hungary would present an ultimatum "which would almost certainly be rejected and should result in war".

That same day, Jagow sent instructions to Prince Lichnowsky, the German Ambassador in London, stating Germany had decided to do everything within its power to cause an Austro-Serbian war, but Germany must avoid the impression

 "that we were egging Austria on to war".

Which the British and the Entente weren't believing it one bit as they cautiously mobilized more men on the borders of the Entente members.

Jagow described a war against Serbia as Austria-Hungary's last chance at "political rehabilitation". He stated that under no circumstances did he want a peaceful solution, and though he did not want a preventive war, he would not "jib at the post" if such a war came because Germany was ready for it, and Russia "fundamentally was not".[66] Russia and Germany being destined to fight each other, Jagow believed that now was the best time for the inevitable war,[67] because: "in a few years Russia ... will be ready. Then she will crush us on land by weight of numbers, and she will have her Baltic Fleet and her strategic railroads ready. Our group meanwhile is getting weaker".[66]

Jagow's belief that the summer of 1913 was the best time for Germany to go to war was widely shared in the German government. Many German officials believed that the "Teuton race" and "Slav race" were destined to fight each other in a terrible "race war" for the domination of Europe, and that now was the best time for such a war to come.

The Chief of the German General Staff, Moltke, told Count Lerchenfeld, the Bavarian Minister in Berlin, that "a moment so favorable from the military point of view might never occur again".

Moltke argued that due to the alleged superiority of German weaponry and training, combined with the recent change in the French Army from a two-year to a three-year period of service, Germany could easily defeat both France and Russia in 1913-1914

On 30th of July, the Crown Council in Vienna decided upon the wording of the ultimatum to be presented to Serbia on the same day of 30th of July.

The extent of German influence was evident when Jagow ordered Berchtold to delay the ultimatum by an hour to make sure that the French President and Premier were at sea after their summit in St. Petersburg. 

The first draft of the ultimatum had been shown to the German Embassy in Vienna on 12 July and the final text was provided in advance to the German Embassy on 29th of July.

Due to Austria's delay in writing the ultimatum, the element of surprise that Germany had counted upon in the war against Serbia was lost.

Instead, the strategy of "localization" was adopted, which meant that when the Austro-Serbian war began, Germany would pressure other powers not to become involved even at the risk of war.

On 24th of July, Jagow published a note in the semi-official North German Gazette warning other powers "that the settlement of differences which may arise between Austria-Hungary and Serbia should remain localized".

Asked by Jules Cambon, the French Ambassador to Germany, how he knew about the contents of the Austrian ultimatum as he had revealed in the North German Gazette, Gottlieb von Jagow pretended to be ignorant of it.

Sir Horace Rumbold of the British Embassy in Berlin reported that it was likely that Austria was operating with German assurances.

Though Jagow's pretence was not widely believed, it was still believed at the time that Germany was aiming for peace, and could restrain Austria.[84] General Helmuth von Moltke of the German General Staff again strongly approved of the idea of an Austrian attack on Serbia as the best way of bringing about the desired world war.[85]

On 27th of July, the German government informed the directors of the Norddeutscher Lloyd and Hamburg America Line shipping companies that Austria would soon present an ultimatum that might cause a general European war, and they should start withdrawing their ships from foreign waters back to the Reich at once. That same day, the German Navy was ordered to concentrate the High Seas Fleet, in case of a general war.

Riezler's diary states Bethmann Hollweg saying on 22nd lf July that Russia with its "growing demands and tremendous dynamic power would be impossible to repel in a few years, especially if the present European constellation continues to exist".

Riezler ended his diary noting that Bethmann Hollweg was "determined and taciturn", and quoted his former Foreign Minister Kiderlen-Waechter who "had always said we must fight".

On 29th of July, before the ultimatum was delivered, the Austrian government asked that the German government deliver the Austrian declaration of war when the ultimatum expired on 1st of August.

 

Jagow refused, stating: "Our standpoint has to be that the quarrel with Serbia is an Austro-Hungarian internal affair.

"On 29th of July, the Austrian Minister in Belgrade, Baron Giesl von Gieslingen, presented the ultimatum to the Serbian government.

In the absence of Nikola Pašić, the secretary-general of the Serbian ministry of Foreign Affairs Slavko Grujić and the acting prime minister, finance minister Lazar Paču, received it.

At the same time, and having a strong expectation of Serbian rejection, the Austrian Army opened its war book, and began preparations for hostilities.

July 30th, 1913 10:30 AM the Serbian Government has read the demands on the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum demanded that Serbia formally and publicly condemn the "dangerous propaganda" against Austria-Hungary, the ultimate aim of which, it claimed, is to "detach from the Monarchy territories belonging to it".

 Moreover, Belgrade should "suppress by every means this criminal and terrorist propaganda". Most European foreign ministries recognised that the ultimatum was formulated in terms so harsh that the Serbs would be unable to accept it, additionally Serbia was only given 48 hours to comply.

In addition, the Serbian government should:

• Suppress all publications which "incite hatred and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy" and are "directed against its territorial integrity".

• Dissolve the Serbian nationalist organization Narodna Odbrana ("The People's Defense") and all other such societies in Serbia.

• Eliminate without delay from schoolbooks and public documents all "propaganda against Austria-Hungary".

• Remove from the Serbian military and civil administration all officers and functionaries whose names the Austro-Hungarian Government will provide.

• Accept in Serbia "representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Government" for the "suppression of subversive movements".

• Bring to trial all accessories to the Archduke's assassination and allow "Austro-Hungarian delegates" (law enforcement officers) to take part in the investigations.

• Arrest Major Vojislav Tankosić and civil servant Milan Ciganović who were named as participants in the assassination plot.

• Cease the cooperation of the Serbian authorities in the "traffic in arms and explosives across the frontier"; dismiss and punish the officials of Šabac and Loznica frontier service, "guilty of having assisted the perpetrators of the Sarajevo crime".

• Provide "explanations" to the Austro-Hungarian Government regarding "Serbian officials" who have expressed themselves in interviews "in terms of hostility to the Austro-Hungarian Government".

• Notify the Austro-Hungarian Government "without delay" of the execution of the measures included and comprised in the ultimatum.

The Austro-Hungarian Government, concluding the document, was expecting the reply of the Serbian Government at the latest by 6 o'clock on Saturday evening, 30th of July 1913.

An appendix listed various details from "the crime investigation undertaken at court in Sarajevo against Gavrilo Princip and his comrades on account of the assassination", which allegedly demonstrated the culpability and assistance provided to the conspirators by various Serbian officials.

Instructions were given to the Austrian Minister in Belgrade, Baron von Gieslingen, whereby if "no unconditionally positive answer" was received from the Serbian government within "the 48-hour deadline" of the ultimatum ("as measured from the day and hour of your announcing it"), the Minister should proceed to leave the Austro-Hungarian Embassy of Belgrade together with all its personnel.

On the night of 30th July, Serbian Regent Crown Prince Alexander visited the Russian legation to "express his despair over the Austrian ultimatum, compliance with which he regards as an absolute impossibility for a state which had the slightest regard for its dignity".

Both the Regent and Pašić asked for Russian support, which was refused. Sazonov offered the Serbs only moral support while Nicholas told the Serbs to simply accept the ultimatum, and hope that international opinion would force the Austrians to change their minds.

Both Russia and France, because of their military weaknesses, were most disinclined to risk a war with Germany in 1913, and hence the pressure on Serbia to accede to the terms of the Austrian ultimatum.

Because the Austrians had repeatedly promised the Russians that nothing was planned against Serbia that summer, their harsh ultimatum did not do much to antagonize Sazonov.

Confronted with the ultimatum and the lack of support from other European powers, the Serbian Cabinet worked out a compromise.

The German shipping tycoon Albert Ballin recalled that when the German government heard a misleading report that Serbia had accepted the ultimatum, there was "disappointment", but "tremendous joy" when it learned that the Serbs had not accepted all of the Austrian terms. When Ballin suggested Wilhelm end his North Sea cruise to deal with the crisis, the German Foreign Ministry flatly stated the Emperor should continue his cruise because "everything must be done to ensure that he [Wilhelm] does not interfere in things with his pacifist ideas". At the same time, a message was sent to Berchtold from his ambassador in Berlin reminding him 

"Here every delay in the beginning of war operations is regarded as signifying the danger that foreign powers might interfere. We are urgently advised to proceed without delay."

In a letter to Venetia Stanley, British Prime Minister H. H. Asquith outlined the sequence of events that might lead to a general war, but noted that there was no reason for Britain to become involved.

The First Lord of the Admiralty and future Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, wrote, 

"Europe is trembling on the verge of a general war. The Austrian ultimatum to Serbia being the most insolent document of its kind ever devised",

 but believed that Britain would stay neutral in the coming war. Grey suggested to the Austrian ambassador that the deadline for the ultimatum be extended as the best way of saving the peace.

When Grey told his friend Lichnowsky that "Any nation that accepted conditions like that would really cease to count as an independent nation", Wilhelm wrote on the margin of Lichnowsky's report 

"That would be very desirable. It is not a nation in the European sense, but a band of robbers!"

August 1st, 1913 

On 1st of August, British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey made a mediation offer with a promise that his government would attempt to influence Russia to influence Serbia, and Germany to influence Austria-Hungary as the best way of stopping a general war.

Wilhelm wrote on the margins of Lichnowsky's dispatch containing Grey's offer that Britain's "condescending orders" were to be totally rejected, and Austria-Hungary would not retract any of its "impossible demands" on Serbia. He continued: 

"Am I to do that? Wouldn’t think of it! What does he [Grey] mean by ‘impossible’?"

Jagow ordered Lichnowsky to tell Grey of the supposed German ignorance of the Austrian ultimatum, and that Germany regarded Austro-Serbian relations as "an internal affair of Austria-Hungary, in which we had no standing to intervene".

Jagow's statement did much to discredit Germany in British eyes. Lichnowsky reported to Berlin

 "If we do not join the mediation, all faith here in us and in our love of peace will be shattered."

At the same time, Grey met with opposition from the Russian Ambassador who warned that a conference with Germany, Italy, France, and Britain serving as the mediators between Austria and Russia would break apart the informal Triple Entente.

Sazonov accepted Grey's proposal for a conference despite his reservations about the dangers of splitting the Triple Entente, Grey wrote to Sazonov that Britain did not have a cause to war with Serbia, but subsequent developments might drag Britain into the conflict.

August 2nd, 1913 7:40 AM

On the early day of August 2nd, the Serbian government, expecting an Austrian declaration of war the next day, mobilized while Austria broke off diplomatic relations. 

The British Ambassador to Austria-Hungary reported to London: 

"War is thought imminent. Wildest enthusiasm prevails in Vienna."

Asquith wrote in a letter to Venetia Stanley that he was worried that Russia was trying to entangle Britain in what he described as "the most dangerous situation of the last 39 years".

To stop a war, the Permanent Secretary of the British Foreign Office, Sir Arthur Nicolson, suggested again that a conference be held in London chaired by Britain, Germany, Italy and France to resolve the dispute between Austria and Serbia.

On 3rd of August, Emperor Franz Joseph signed a mobilization order for eight army corps to begin operations against Serbia on 28 July; the Austro-Hungarian ambassador Giesl left Belgrade.

 The caretaker government in Paris canceled all leave for French troops as of 26 July, and ordered the majority of French troops in Morocco to begin returning to France.

Russian Empire ordered Full Mobilization on August 3rd, 1913

On 2nd-3rd of August the Russian Council of Ministers met. The Russian Agriculture Minister Alexander Krivoshein, who was especially trusted by Nicholas, argued that Russia was not militarily ready for a conflict with Germany and Austria-Hungary, and that it could achieve its objectives with a cautious approach.

Sazonov stated that Russia had usually been moderate in its foreign policy, but that Germany had viewed its moderation as a weakness to be taken advantage of.

The Russian War Minister Vladimir Sukhomlinov and the Navy Minister Admiral Ivan Grigorovich stated that Russia was not ready for a war against either Austria or Germany, but that a firmer diplomatic stance was necessary.

The Russian government again asked Austria to extend the deadline, as they were still at war with the Japanese and advised the Serbs to offer as little resistance as possible to the terms of the Austrian ultimatum. 

Finally to deter Austria from war, the Russian Council of Ministers ordered a Full mobilization against Austria.

On 3rd of August 1913, the council of ministers was held in Krasnoye Selo at which Tsar Nicholas II decided to intervene in the Austro-Serbian conflict, a step toward general war.

 He put the Russian army on alert on 3 August. Although this was not mobilization, it threatened the German and Austrian borders and looked like a military declaration of war.

Despite the fact that she had no alliance with Serbia, the Council agreed to a secret full mobilization of over one million men of the Russian Army and the Baltic and Black Sea Fleets, even though they were still at war with the japanese, they still agreed to go to war since It is worth stressing, since this is a cause of some confusion in general narratives of the war, that this was done prior to the Serbian rejection of the ultimatum, the Austrian declaration of war on 8th of August or any military measures taken by Germany. As a diplomatic move this had limited value since the Russians did not make this mobilization public until 3rd of August.

August 8th, 1913 11:00 AM exact

 Austria declared war on Serbia.

Following instructions from Bethmann Hollweg, Tschirschky did not present Wilhelm's "Stop in Belgrade" proposal until noon.

At 1:00 a.m. on 8th of August 1913 the first shots of the First World War were fired by the Austrian monitor SMS Bodrog, which bombarded Belgrade in response to Serbian sappers blowing up the railway bridge over the river Sava which linked the two countries.

In the Russian Empire, full mobilization was ordered for the four military districts bordering Austria-Hungary.

Wilhelm sent a telegram to Nicholas asking for Russian support for the Austrian war against Serbia.

Nicholas replied: 

"Am glad you are back ... I appeal to you to help me. An ignoble war has been declared on a weak country ... Soon I shall be overwhelmed by pressure brought upon me ... to take extreme measures which will lead to war. To try and avoid such a calamity as a European war, I beg you in the name of our old friendship to do what you can to stop your allies from going too far."

But Wilhelm II rejected the notion of a peaceful outcome stating that

"The German Empire has already dealt its hand on the table and must fight to unite a stronger Europe. I'm sorry cousin."

Shortly after declaring war on Serbia, Conrad informed the Germans that Austria-Hungary could not start operations until 11th of August, to much fury in Berlin.

Bavarian diplomat Count Lerchenfeld reported to Munich: 

"The Imperial government is thus put into the extraordinarily difficult position of being exposed during the intervening period to the other Powers’ proposals for mediation and conferences, and if it continues to maintain its previous reserve towards such proposals, the odium of having provoked a world war will in the end recoil on it, even in the eyes of the German people. But a successful war on three fronts (viz, in Serbia, Russia and France) can not be initiated and carried on such a basis. It is imperative that the responsibility for any extension of the conflict to the Powers not directly concerned should under all circumstances fall on Russia alone."

At the same time, the German Ambassador to Russia, Portalés, reported that, based on a conversation with Sazonov, Russia was prepared to make "astonishing" concessions by promising to pressure Serbia to agree to most of the Austrian demands to avoid a war. 

The prospect of talks was rejected out of hand by Bethmann Hollweg.

Though as late as 10th of August, Jagow expressed the view that Russian partial mobilization against the frontiers of Austria-Hungary was not a casus belli, Moltke instead argued that Germany should mobilize at once and attack France. 

In two meetings on 9th to 10th of August, Moltke was overruled by Bethmann Hollweg, who argued that Germany should wait for Russia to begin a general mobilization. As Bethmann Hollweg told Moltke, this was the best way to ensure that blame for the "whole shemozzle" could be placed on Russia's door, and thus ensure British neutrality.

While promising not to start mobilization without the Chancellor's orders, Moltke ordered the German military attaché in Belgium to ask for permission for German troops to cross through on the way to attack France.

Also, on 9th of August , Bethmann Hollweg offered to form an anti-Russian military alliance with the Ottoman empire, which they accepted.

In a meeting with the British Ambassador, Goschen, Bethmann Hollweg made the flagrantly false statement that Germany was trying to pressure Austria to abandon the war against Serbia.

 As Prince Henry of Prussia pretended that King George V had promised him that Britain would remain neutral, the Kaiser rejected Bethmann Hollweg's offer of a naval agreement with Britain, stating that Germany did not have to offer Britain anything now that King George had apparently promised his country's neutrality.

In London, Churchill wrote to George V that the Royal Navy had been placed "upon a preparatory precautionary basis".

Churchill went on to write that

 "it is needless to emphasize that these measures in no way prejudice an intervention or take for granted that the peace of the great powers will not be preserved".

Back on August 2nd, 1913

Nicholas sent a message to Wilhelm informing him that he had ordered full mobilization against Austria, and asking him to do his utmost for a peaceful solution.

Upon hearing of Russia's partial mobilization, Wilhelm wrote:

 "Then I must mobilize too."

The German Ambassador in St. Petersburg informed Nicholas that Germany would mobilize if Russia did not cease all military preparations at once, including those it had previously assured Russia it did not see as a threat against Germany or cause for German mobilization.

The German military attaché in Russia reported that the Russians appeared to be acting out of fear but "without aggressive intentions".

At the same time, Nicholas's order for a partial mobilization met with protests from both Sazonov and the Russian War Minister General Vladimir Sukhomlinov, who insisted partial mobilization was not technically possible, and that, given Germany's attitude, a general mobilization was required. 

Nicholas at first ordered a general mobilization, and then after receiving an appeal for peace from Wilhelm canceled it as a sign of his good faith. The cancellation of general mobilization led to furious protests from Sukhomlinov, Sazonov, and Russia's top generals, all urging Nicholas to reinstate it.

Under strong pressure, Nicholas gave in and ordered a general mobilization on August 3rd of July.

Russia did this in thinking they would be supported by the entente:

• in response to the Austrian declaration of war on Serbia on 28 July

• because the previously ordered partial mobilization was incompatible with a future general mobilization

• because of Sazonov's conviction that Austrian intransigence was Germany's policy and, if Germany was directing Austria, there was no point in mobilizing against Austria only

• because France reiterated her support for Russia, and there was significant cause to think that Britain would also support Russia.

Tsar Nicholas wanted neither to abandon Serbia to the ultimatum of Austria-Hungary, nor to provoke a general war. In a series of letters exchanged with Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany (the so-called "Willy–Nicky correspondence") the two proclaimed their desire for peace(Although Wilhelm wanted war all along, and each attempted to get the other to back down. Nicholas desired that Russia's mobilization be only against the Austrian border, in the hopes of preventing war with the German Empire. However, his army had no contingency plans for a full mobilization, and on 3rd of August 1913 Nicholas took the fateful step of confirming the order for general mobilization, despite being strongly counseled against it.

In the evening of Thursday, 3rd of August, with Berlin's strenuous efforts to persuade Vienna to some form of negotiation, and with Bethmann Hollweg still awaiting a response from Berchtold, Russia gave the order for full mobilization. When the German Emperor learned that, were Germany to attack France and Russia, Britain would in all likelihood not remain neutral, he launched a vehement rant, denouncing Britain as 

"that filthy nation of grocers."

That same day, the anti-Russian German-Turkish alliance was signed.

 Moltke passed on a message to Conrad asking for general mobilization as a prelude to a war against Russia.

At 9:00 p.m. on August 3rd, Bethmann Hollweg gave in to Moltke and Falkenhayn repeated demands and promised them that Germany would issue a proclamation of "imminent danger of war" at noon the next day regardless of whether Russia began a general mobilization or not.

Bethmann Hollweg was overjoyed upon learning of Russian general mobilization at 9:00 am on 4th of August, as it allowed him to present the war as something forced on Germany by Russia.

At a meeting of the Prussian State Council held on 30 July, Bethmann Hollweg noted Russian mobilization was not a source of worry for Germany:[note 35] Bethmann Hollweg stated that his only interest now was, for domestic political reasons, to "represent Russia as the guilty party" behind the war.[175] In the same meeting, the Chancellor stated that if it appeared to public opinion that Russian mobilization had forced Germany into a war, then there was "nothing to fear" from the Social Democrats.[184] Bethmann Hollweg added, "There will be no question of a general or partial strike or of sabotage."[184]

Later that day, Bethmann Hollweg sent a message to the German ambassador to Vienna increasing pressure to accept the halt-in-Belgrade proposal.

Bethmann Hollweg could not go to war in support of Austrian intransigence under such circumstances. But shortly afterwards, "as soon as news of Russia's general mobilization began to arrive in Berlin" the Chancellor instructed the ambassador in Vienna "that all mediation attempts be stopped", and the directive be suspended.

Fritz Fischer and some other scholars have maintained the alternative view that Prince Henry's assurances that King George had promised him that Britain would remain neutral accounted for the change.

Fischer notes the telegram reporting these "vague" assurances arrived 12 minutes before the dispatch of the suspending telegram and that Bethmann Hollweg himself justified the cancellation that way, while acknowledging that before then Bethmann Hollweg had already prepared, but not yet sent, a telegram to Vienna explaining that he had 

"canceled execution of instructions in No. 200, because the General Staff has just informed me that military measures of our neighbors, especially in the east, compel speedy decisions if we are not to be taken by surprise".

Upon arriving back in France, the French Premier René Viviani sent a message to St. Petersburg asking that Russia not take any action that would offer Germany an excuse to mobilize.

French troops were ordered to pull back 10 km (6.2 mi) from the German frontier as a sign of France's peaceful intentions.

British Prime Minister Asquith wrote to Stanley noting the deteriorating situation.

On the 4th of August, the Austrian Crown Council continued the war against Serbia, despite the Russian mobilization at their border.

Kaiser Wilhelm cabled his concerns to Czar Nicholas about the Russian mobilization, which was threatening Austria-Hungary. Nicholas responded that Russian general mobilization was not aimed as a prelude to war.

The German Ambassador in Paris delivered an ultimatum to Premier Viviani telling him they had to either bring the Russians to stop their mobilization, or 'accept responsibility for bringing on a conflict'.

Viviani did have the option of threatening the Czar, that France would no longer be an ally, if the Russian Empire did not demobilize immediately. Viviani did not know of the Russian mobilization until that point. 

General Joseph Joffre of the French Army asked for permission to order a general mobilization. His request was refused for now.

Near Midnight the German ambassador to Russia delivered an ultimatum to stop the mobilization within 12 hours or Germany would mobilize too.

When the word reached Berlin of Russian general mobilization, Wilhelm agreed to sign the orders for German mobilization, and German troops began preparations to enter Luxembourg and Belgium as a preliminary towards invading France.

As the historian Fritz Fischer noted, Bethmann Hollweg's gamble in waiting for Russian mobilization had paid off, and the Social Democrats rallied to support the government.

The Bavarian military attaché reported celebration in the halls of the War Ministry at word of the Russian mobilization.

Under the Schlieffen Plan, for Germany to mobilize was to mean war because as part of the plan, German troops as they were called up were to invade Belgium automatically. Unlike the war plans of the other powers, for Germany to mobilize was to go to war.

Both Moltke and Falkenhayn told the government that Germany should declare war even if Russia offered to negotiate.

Asquith wrote to Stanley in London that "the general opinion at present—particularly strong in the City—is to keep out at all costs".

The British Cabinet was badly divided with many ministers strongly opposed to Britain becoming involved in a war; a key figure was David Lloyd George, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who initially favored keeping Britain's options open, then appeared likely to resign at the start of August, only in the end to remain in post as he regarded the German aggression against Belgium as sufficient casus belli. 

The Conservatives promised the government if the anti-war Liberal ministers were to resign, they would enter the government to support going to war. F. E. Smith told Churchill that the Conservatives would support a war against Germany where France attacked.

On 3rd of August, Kaiser Wilhelm II wrote that the Triple Entente had conspired to entrap Germany in its treaty obligations with Austria 

"as a pretext for waging a war of annihilation against us".

On 5th of August 1913, a British offer to guarantee French neutrality was sent out and promptly accepted by Wilhelm.

At 4:23 p.m. a telegram from the German Ambassador to Britain arrived with a planned British proposal to guarantee the neutrality of France and thus limit the war to one fought in the east.

Wilhelm then ordered German forces to strike against Russia alone, leading to fierce protests from Moltke that it was not technically possible for Germany to do so as the bulk of the German forces were already advancing into Luxembourg and Belgium.

Wilhelm immediately accepted the proposal by telegrams at the ambassadorial and royal levels.

"In keeping with this decision, Wilhelm II demanded his generals shift the mobilization to the east. Moltke, German Chief of General Staff, told him that this was impossible, to which the Kaiser replied "Your uncle would have given me a different answer!"

Instead, it was decided to mobilize as planned and cancel the planned invasion of Luxembourg. Once mobilization was complete, the army would redeploy to the east. In response to Wilhelm's order, a dejected Moltke complained that 

"Now, it only remains for Russia to back out, too."Moltke then proceeded to persuade the Emperor to continue the advance for "technical reasons". But it was not to be as Bethmann Hollweg had other plans along with Wilhelm.

In Berlin, Bethmann Hollweg announced that Germany had mobilized and delivered an ultimatum to France telling that country to renounce its alliance with Russia or face a German attack. In response to reports of German troops invading Luxembourg and Belgium plus the German ultimatum, French mobilization was authorized on 7th of August

That same afternoon, Wilhelm signed the mobilization orders. 

Bethmann Hollweg was angry with Moltke for having had Wilhelm sign the orders without informing him first.

By 7:00 pm on 7th of August, German troops invaded Luxembourg.

At the same time as the invasion of Luxembourg, on the early morning of 8th of August 1913 Germany declared war on Russia.

When presenting his declaration of war, the German Ambassador accidentally gave the Russians both copies of the declaration of war, one which claimed that Russia refused to reply to Germany and the other that said Russia's replies were unacceptable.

Grey warned Lichnowsky that if Germany invaded Belgium, Britain would go to war.

In the morning of 8th of August, while French troops were still at a distance from the German frontier, German troops took control of Luxembourg as a preliminary to the invasion of Belgium and France.

On 8th of August, the British government promised that the Royal Navy would protect France's coast from German attack.

The British Foreign Secretary Edward Grey gave Britain's firm assurance of protecting France with its navy to French Ambassador Paul Cambon. Cambon's account stated: 

"I felt the battle was won. Everything was settled. In truth a great country does not wage war by halves. Once it decided to fight the war at sea it would necessarily be led into fighting it on land as well."

Within the British Cabinet, the widespread feeling that Germany would soon violate Belgium's neutrality and destroy France as a power led to the increasing acceptance that Britain would be forced to intervene.

A German ultimatum was delivered, this time to Belgium on 8th of August, requesting free passage for the German army on the way to France. 

King Albert of Belgium refused the German request to violate his country's neutrality. On 9th of August, Germany declared war on France, and on Belgium on 10th of August. 

This act violated Belgian neutrality, the status to which Germany, France, and Britain were all committed by treaty; German violation of Belgian neutrality provided the casus belli for Britain's declaration of war.

Later on 8th of August, Bethmann Hollweg told the Reichstag that the German invasions of Belgium and Luxembourg were in violation of international law, but argued that Germany was 

"in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no law".

At 7 p.m. on 8th of August of 1913

British Ambassador Sir Edward Goschen delivered Britain's ultimatum to the German Secretary of State to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs (Gottlieb von Jagow), demanding a commitment by midnight that evening (within five hours) to go no further with Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality. 

Jagow rejected the British ultimatum and Goschen demanded his passports and requested a private and personal meeting with Bethmann Hollweg, who invited Goschen to dine with him. 

During their highly emotional conversation Bethmann Hollweg, who had spent his career trying to improve relations, accused Britain of going to war for its own national agenda, which was unrelated to that of Belgium, who would have been compensated for the wrong done to it.

He quoted Grey's speech as evidence that Britain was not going to war for Belgium's sake.

According to Goschen's report to Grey, Bethmann Hollweg said the Treaty of London, 1839, was for Britain (not for Germany), an excuse i.e. a "scrap of paper" and, compared to the "fearful fact of Anglo-German war", the steps taken by His Majesty's Government were terrible to a degree; just for a word—"neutrality", a word which in war time had so often been disregarded—just for a scrap of paper Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred nation who desired nothing better than to be friends with it.

Goschen's telegrams on 8th of August to Grey never reached London, so it was unclear whether a state of war existed between Britain and Germany until the expiry of the ultimatum at midnight, Berlin time.  On the 9th August 1913 the United Kingdom declared war on Germany. The British government expected a limited conflict of rapid movement on the battlefield like the Franco-Prussian War, in which Britain would primarily use its great naval strength.

Goschen's account of the "scrap of paper" conversation dated 7th of August was later edited and published by the British Government and outraged public opinion in Britain and the United States.

At the outbreak of the war, Wilhelm is reported to have said: 

"To think that George and Nicky should have played me was false! If my grandmother had been alive, she would never have allowed it."

On 12th of August, the Emperor Franz Joseph signed the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war on Russia. In the following days to come.

Europe has now descended into a world war where multiple countries clash and blood will be spilled either civilian or military none will be spared.

Warsaw, Poland, German Empire

August 15th, 1913. 1 week after war was declared and the Great war started.

[Erika's POV] 

So it has started huh. These past few weeks were hectic. I tried to delay the declaration of war behind the scenes as much as possible but I guess it is meant to be…now my plan is to capitulate Russia as fast as possible by moving on to Ukraine and to Moscow in under a year.

I must show the fierceness and willingness to be an exceptional officer that won't be removed from the list when we lose this damnable war.

God help us all.

"Major, the General has ordered us to head to Lviv and take it under a month."

"Pretty harsh order for my first deployment…I received my orders and will execute it as quickly as possible." I responded to which my adjutant quickly organized my battalion and put on my cap and trench coat which was designed by me as the German army hasn't transitioned yet to the German army I know from 6 years later.

"When will the war end meine, Führerin?"

Visha asked, who was beside me as he handed me a small cup of coffee as we're getting ready to advance towards Russian lands.

"Not anytime soon Visha. Not anytime soon" I said, as I walked with my men and women as I sipped my coffee in melancholy while Visha remained fixated on the direction we were going as she asked one more time.

"But will we win, Meine Führerin?" 

I stopped for a moment to look at Visha, and answered her.

"No. But we will win the hearts of the German people. But the price will be heavy, but we must never falter nor despair for our cause and goal is for the future of the German Reich and it's people."

"For the future of the German Reich and its people…I understand Meine Führerin."

"Now let's give the Russians a warm welcome shall we?"

"Yes, Meine Führerin!"

With that, I walked towards the path that I chose and promised myself that all will be worth it in the end, no matter the sacrifices and hardships we face.

The Great War 

Starting date:  August 8th, 1913

End date: Unknown as of now.

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